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Sunday, October 15, 2006

[Essays] Interventionism and the left, by NewerLabour - 5 comments

Tom from NewerLabour has agreed to submit the following post (also available here), to our series of contributed posts (or "essays").

It represents the first contribution (this year) to what I hope will be a regular series. Two other bloggers are currently considering topics/finding space in their diaries, but do get in touch if you also fancy producing something interesting for us. See the earlier post for full details, and the Essays page for a list of all past contributions (2005-date). Tom's piece now follows:

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Interventionism and the left: a reply/polemic to Anna-Helga Horrox

With regard to interventionism being right wing, I'm not sure I'm getting my point across. I see the right kind of interventionism as a logical extension to the internationalism that has always been a value of the left, as opposed to isolationism, which has always been a value of the right. I don't believe that there are certain cultures that do not want democracy, because I do not believe that there are certain people that do not want their own voices heard. I can think of only two reasons why any person, regardless of religion or creed, would not want to choose how they are ruled, or would like a state based on coercion without consent. The two reasons are:
  1. There are personal advantages to the person concerned, or those close to them: either they are afraid of the majority rule that democracy brings because it infringes their minority 'rights', and they thus fear elections, i.e. they fear that there will be no more Islam if the government of Iran is totally elected, or...
  2. There are personal advantages to the person concerned, or those close to them. The system of material relations they live under is fairer (more just, in their opinion), or advantages them more than a 'democratic' system would.
As the Manic Street Preachers sang, 'freedom of speech won't feed my children'.

This has often been an argument in favour of Stalinism, but I don't think Stalinism is particularly of the left. Real Marxist socialism would include a much more extensive system of democracy than current liberal states, but the maintenance of property relations in the USSR by a bureaucratic elite was the opposite of that. It actually took control out of the hands of workers and into the hands of a new bureaucratic class, and a dictatorship (incidentally, though you need no reminding, a brutal and oppressive one).

I think both of those arguments are trumped by others.

In the first case, utilitarian ethics, which I adhere to, to a degree, suggest that we are better of serving majorities. This does not mean that the fundamental rights of minorities (Baathists etc) are not to be protected. If you have a liberal democracy, you can have your cake and eat it, though people don't believe that, because cultural relativism as a philosophy is so effectively employed by dictators who, in truth, have little interest other than protecting their own power, for their material gain or particular ideology (no matter how oppressive or irrational).

In the second case, I have already explained somewhat. Democracy is often treated with suspicion, as a tool for capitalism, but a newly born democracy is an excellent chance to set up a liberal democracy heavily weighted towards the least advantaged. In this respect, the left should push democracy as a weapon for the left, rather than treat it with such suspicion. If the left does not claim democracy as a weapon for it's own ends, those nasty pigdog capitalists get to set up all the democracies which the left no longer has a stake in… then you end up with a country like Iraq, riven by privatisations and social injustice.

Interventionism of the kind I espouse is of the left because it is focused, unlike interventionism of the right, not on 'cultures' (an inherently conservative term anyway...) but on the aspirations individuals have for control of themselves, their own lives, and the ability to have the choice to make collective actions, like form trade unions, redistribute wealth etc; that all dictators, even pseudo-leftists like Stalin, like to knock out of their people.

Without any checks on them, dictators are then able to convince their people, in a quite unjust and heavily biased mode of persuasion, that actually, the reason this wholly oppressive state of affairs continues is that the dictatorship is based on their culture.

I do not advocate force for the spreading of liberal democracy. Force spreads more death and despair than happiness. But I advocate 'intervention' nonetheless. I do advocate force if the force is less destructive than the alternative, i.e. I would be in favour of WWII.

For that reason, I vociferously opposed the war in Iraq; just check out my blog.

People in Iraq never wanted force anyway. No amount of mind-bending propaganda towards me, or the victims themselves, will ever convince anyone that people want a bomb through their roof, or dead kids. Over 650,000 have died in the disgraceful goings on in Iraq. This misunderstood application of force has resulted in 'the war on terror' being a totally failed, though originally populist endeavour. I do believe however that the war should be fought. I'd just much prefer it to be done in a more figurative (but more effective!) sense.

The way things are going has only backed up the claims of oppressive dictators that democracy is a bad thing: the exact opposite of where the entire left, and the neocon right, also want to be.

I also disagree with the way that the neocons have used this violence of their own creation to engineer unjust societies based on neoliberalism and social division. But the left has, so far, been impotent to stop them, because we are weak, and put no emphasis on fighting the anti-worker philosophy of terrorist tactics; thus they win all of the elections. In principle, we should do. But we must fight terrorists from the left, rather than the right, as the neocons do. The economic exploitation of these target societies has only served to present the gloss of imperialism to the left.1 The evidence is there for such an outlook, and there is a real temptation to find it conclusive, especially among those who are never directly accountable to the view of others, and thus never lose a debate (I'm thinking the SWP here).

Remember that Al-Qaeda are themselves of the extreme right.

Getting back then, while I do find the argument ''people in Iraq... the Iraqi culture... etc' do not want to be bombed'' compelling (as I believe people want control of their own lives, not for them to end!), I do not hold with the argument that 'people in Iraq have no wish for democracy', because alienation and exploitation are things that all humans, saving exploiters and alienators, are against. They are universal hatreds that exist regardless of one's religion, race or background. Sometimes unjust rulers will attempt to convince people that these beliefs are 'western'. But in the past, dictators have told their people that social democracy was 'dangerous bolshevism', or 'a Jewish conspiracy'. Does the fact that this is enforced by propaganda and coercion upon a newly compliant public mean that this is what the public actually believe, or hold dear? No. It is simply a temporary perversion. That is, as long as the left fights back and wins. That is what must happen in Iran, and Iraq, through China and North Korea... in Egypt to sub-Saharan Africa.

It is true that Iraqi's did not vote to be invaded. In fact, were I an Iraqi that did get to vote on it, I would vote against! But we must remember, when we are deciding whether to intervene in 'someone else's culture', that they didn't get asked if they would like regime change either! They did not choose to be bombed, but does that mean that the bulk of the population was against Saddam going? I bet he would say that they all wanted him to stay, that they thought him a lovely bloke... But would the population, in a situation where they did not have to be afraid of being abducted and tortured by his secret police?

Is this the view of a 'culture'? I would suggest that there is a view of a dictator, a view of the general population, and a view of the individual, aggregated. the first is oppressive, the second undemocratic (hence the secret ballot).

Without an absence of oppression and democracy, how do you know what a culture really thinks? Hegemonic ideas need not be representative.

Also, how come in the west we credit people with individual views, but in eastern countries, we see people as a cultural bloc? Does a subconscious prejudice not underlie our assumptions? We should treat them in our thoughts the same way we treat each other here. Culture doesn't matter. What matters for freedom is desire and desirability.

Socialists on the Marxist left have always been in favour of absolute personal autonomy, emancipation from exploitation, most of the time from capitalism. That point of view is correct. But people have to remember that feudalism is even more exploitative, as is the 'master-save' societal configuration. Anti-interventionists on the Stalinist left have gone overboard on 'anti-imperialism', backed up with crude cultural relativism, to justify exactly these feudalistic and master-slave confederations that exist in other countries. Liberal capitalism is crap... but it's better than feudalistic capitalism in these economically transitional dictatorships.

So leftists of all stripes, from the reddest, to the pinkest social democrats, must take up the argument for human emancipation, as they have always done. The more democracy, the more emancipation... for there is no better weapon available to progress. You can take democracy in the Marxist sense ('Worker's democracy') or the conventional bourgeois liberal (at least people get to vote, and a bill of rights to protect minorities). The former is, in my view, simply an extension of the latter. It's all democracy.

Neither democracy, nor emancipation or equality, are provided by dictators such as Saddam Hussein or the Ayatollahs... or our friend Kim Jong Il. If you are a Marxist, and want worker's control, and 'democratised means of production', neither are they. The left seeks, and always has, to provide them all. Saddam is not the answer to these problems.

All of this is true, regardless of what dictators may have forced upon their populations and subservient cultures in terms of political views. All wish, as part of their humanity, to act without constraint (although in social contract terms, many agree, for the common good, to place constraints upon their own freedom).

But social contracts are not made by third parties, not least those who seize and maintain power through lies and coercion.

What a culture thinks is exactly that: not what the dictator in their part of the world tells them, and everyone else, what to think (though, in very rare circumstances, dictators represent over 50% of the population: a whole separate argument!). This is true in all places. Thus, a further truth flows from this; that cultural relativism, is by far and away, for the most part, used to:
  • Oppress, convince and coerce,
  • Defend the unjust privilege of the local ruling class or person,
  • Exaggerate, internally and externally, national and religious differences between people, that in previously shades of reality, where nowhere near as pronounced,
  • For the purposes of point one and two
Democracy is the best weapon to end this. So how do people so heavily oppressed by armed dictators get the democracy that they so badly need and want? Sacrifice the total of the lives of their movement for it?

Sometimes people need help. And we can provide it. We must intervene. That doesn't mean that we have to kill and destroy, in almost all of the circumstances where intervention is necessary. Indigenous people are much more efficient at finding the fascist to blame!

So, I believe that democracy, freedom for people from exploitation and oppression, and the furtherance of egalitarianism are values and aims of the left. Exploitation, social division, inequality and a lack of democracy are aims of the right, usually through opposition to change, i.e. conservatism.

To intervene to produce the former is leftist (producing mass death for little gain is certainly rightist). To intervene for the latter is rightist. I think it's a shame that while we let the rightists get away with their interventions, we become so polarised against all interventions that we fail to perform our own. We're literally letting them get away with murder!

Perhaps it is because we have seen actors, particularly the US, use intervention against us so often, and also so much intervention in the rightist sense, that we have become emotionally repelled from the idea of intervening for the progressive cause in the affairs of dictatorial governments. It is a shame though, is it not?

I thought I'd finish with a quote from a hero of mine, Nye Bevan:
The function of parliamentary democracy, under universal suffrage, historically considered, is to expose wealth-privilege to the attack of the people. It is a sword pointed at the heart of property power.
Is democracy a bad thing for the left? Nah - the more the better. Thus, by extension, spreading it is good (as is furthering it, at home, and abroad), unless the spreading of it undermines left values and aims, most importantly those that I have detailed above. We can, in my view, competently do that, subject to popularity. I believe that a 'left' interventionism is far more popular than isolationism, but also 'right' interventionism. If we are victorious in bloodless liberation, all will benefit but the oppressive, provided we do it right. So let us seize the agenda, for the prize is ours to win, comrade!

Footnotes

1 It does not help that the neocons are allowed by the left to use 'spreading democracy' to undermine progressive democratic governments such as the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, or the government of Hugo Chavez. But then, they say, 'you don't care about democracy anyway, that's our issue'. We commit a grave sin by ceding it to them so easily.

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Any comments?

5 comments so far...

At 12:44 PM, October 15, 2006, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Wow, cheers, didn't realise these were going on the front page... apologies for any rubbish spelling, I originally wrote this as a web-based email...

Also the obsession with marxism as a variant of socialism, but I just prefer to beat the SWP, the main proponents of the counterpart arguments, at their own game rather than playing a different one...

   
At 12:11 AM, October 16, 2006, Blogger Bloggers4Labour said...

One thing I don't think you really nailed down was what form intervention would take, if you eschew military force.

As I see it, the fatal flaw with the "democracy must come from within" argument is that there are powerful local forces determined to suppress it, who are not susceptible to persuasion. I think that, at the very least, force (OK, violence) is justified in demolishing those forces. Nascent democratic forces would then finally be free to organise as we are free to.

Unfortunately, in practice, local democratic forces have been incredibly weak, the foreign coalitions have had to take on this role, and have found it a hugely difficult task, finding themselves under siege from subsequent foreign terrorist incursions.

I do not advocate force for the spreading of liberal democracy. Force spreads more death and despair than happiness. But I advocate 'intervention' nonetheless. I do advocate force if the force is less destructive than the alternative, i.e. I would be in favour of WWII.

So, Tom, do you accept there can be a requirement for force in the above case, and without the benefit of hindsight?

The other question is: would WWII have been less destructive than the alternative? I fear that trying to answer that on utilitarian grounds will produce a rather disturbing result...

   
At 1:34 AM, October 16, 2006, Anonymous Anonymous said...

I have more confidence in a different sort of force to the one I was generally getting at... I think, once again, I have failed to be sufficiently clear! Also, I think there are some great alternatives that the coalition of the willing has failed to use effectively, if at all, because it would cost us in economic terms, in the short term. We have, in my view, put our own economic growth and stability ahead of the very lives of others, simply because this is politically more easy, i.e. on the grounds that the people who have lost their lives have, for the most part, been far away, which makes killing them more acceptable than them being in 'the west'. That is, in my view, hardly very internationalist.

I believe in a sort of force, but not to 'spread democracy'. I believe in force as a result of democracy, and though subtle, I think the distinction is there.

Let me put it this way; grassroots democratic organisations are more democratic, and more legitimate, than the dictators they face. Grassroots democratic organisations have, in my eyes, a monopoly on legitimacy anyway. Democracy is already in place, everywhere, in the way that people run their lives day to day. often this is reflected by governments. I see dictators as people that have busted into the democrats' monopoly on coercion, (exactly the main attribute of the state, according to Max Webers definition; which is perfectly acceptable in my view).

If we fund and suppoort them politically... we are not spreading democracy... democracy is there, it just isn't being effectively implemented due to the interventions of dictators (i.e. the only legitimate rule is rule by consent). We are simply protecting democracy. This is why one cannot 'spread' democracy by force; to do so is fallacious. One can only reinforce democracy, and one must ask, in a state where dictators' interventions in legitimate politics have intervened to the point where democrats have none of their share in coercive force, how effective military intervention from outside will be effective in backing these up... especially when the decision of the democrats themselves is against such interventions, because it will actually reduce the power of democrats by killing them en masse (as I believe has taken place in Iraq).

As such, intervention by force must be an intervention that enpowers democrats, not one that simply shifts power to external states, and indeed later gives rise to a dependency on those states (often contrary to the wishes of the people anyway; leaders then necessarilly give up their democratic claims by ignoring their own constituency, because they know the alternative to foreign troops leaving is chaos). Then you end up in a situation, like Iraq, where instead of power shifting to people, it shifts from a dictator to external states, because even though people vote for troops out, their representatives will not ask them to leave. I think this is actually because of the massive, relatively untargetted military intervention, which gets the original political goals wrong, and causes massive collateral demage to the very people that are supposed to be represented (or indeed elected!)

As such, force must be to reinforce the struggles of democrats, not to 'spread democracy'. because of the nature of the political goals, the method would have to change. It would look a lot more like the Kosovo response; mostly targetted attacks, minimal civillian casualties, massive financial support for opposition forces (providing they are politically acceptable, rather than fundamentalist nutcases), be they violent or not.

As such, instead of invading Iraq, the UK govt should have openly armed trade unionists and democrats, and provided them with tactical support, before religious fundamentalism caught on (largely because it was a thought out reaction to the nature of the intervention, though I won't venture into mbunderstanding).

We need
*financial, logistical and tactical support to democrats, far greater than ever before. This will cost us, but it is worth it
*to provide a safe haven
*political support
*clean hands ourselves
*better understanding of the threat we face: beef up MI6, and understand how our actions will, rightly or wrongly, be met.

The other half of what we could do I metioned breifly in te first paragraph of this comment. The alternatives to military action.

I would argue for a much stricter policy on aid and military/technological sanctions. Before, where we have tried this, it has been used as a propaganda weapon against us. But we can change this by properly funding democrats... this would be a dual approach.

We also need to make democracy materially atractive. In the essay I said that one reason for dictatorships was that they are materially beneficial to either majorities or special interst groups (I wonder hw well the fall of Saddam went down in Tikrit, or the USSR among those apparatchiki)

I would argue for a democratic international, where nations make sacrifices for the economic betterment of the whole. learn from the example of the EU and NAFTA, but only include democracies. Widen NATO hugely to fit in with it. democracy of bust.

But of course, this would cost all of those comfortable rich people a lot of money, and bombs are cheaper...

More here.

On WWII, I can quite confidently say that I would prefer WWII to an eternal worldwide nazi government... the jews were only first in line. besides, democrats and socialists also have duties to protect minority rights from ignorant attacks.

It' all good utility.

This is a monster of a comment...

   
At 10:58 AM, October 18, 2006, Blogger Anna-Helga said...

Tom, how did I end up here? I hate blogs, and I just had to create one in order to respond! Having been namechecked, I just want to make my position clear, very briefly:

I'm not (and I don't think anyone is) arguing for dictators, or against democracy. My main problems with the concept of 'interventionism' involve a) its arrogance, b) the difficulty of predicting the results of any meddling, and c) overridingly, the fact that it nearly always only occurs when it is politically and economically expedient for those doing the intervening.

So while of course I support the concept of funding and fostering democratic movements, in practice such actions tend to be cynically self-serving, with the rhetoric of democracy and freedom glossing over self-interested behaviour. The National Endowment for Democracy, for example, has funded a very particular vision of democracy. When free election outcomes are not what - let's be frank - America wants them to be, the international community toes the line (murmurings of totalitarianism in Venezuela, sanctions against Palestine). While you didn't (no one in their right mind did) support the war in Iraq, besides flimsy claims of WMDs it was similar arguments to those you make above which were used to justify it. And historically, there are any number of equally destructive examples of 'intervention'. So while the idea of supporting fledgling democrats is an attractive one, I think the reality should be taken into consideration! And - perhaps - we should concentrate on sorting out the issues we face on a domestic level before we start interfering in the rest of the world (the main caveat I would add to this is one regarding intervention in the case of genocide - at which point people become much less keen on the whole idea, as happened with Rwanda).

Hence my jibe that your pro-interventionist stance was right-wing.

Ok, hope we cleared that one up!

   
At 2:11 PM, October 18, 2006, Anonymous Anonymous said...

OK, point taken... I should have asked you if it was OK to use your name. I owe you an apology. But the essay was going up, because it's kind of a thing I needed to clear up, particularly with regard to how i think the left should stand towards initiatives like the Euston Manifesto.

I think the big problem with my arguments being used with regards to Iraq is that:
-I believe in working multilaterally, and within the confines of the UN. but I also believe that the UN is riddled with vested interests... what are we supposed to do while these remain unreformed?
-The empirical evidence was clearly not there to satisfy my criteria for intervention, or the criteria for self defence; or even the (invalid) criteria regarding WMDs.

I'm pretty sure genocide was taking place in Kosovo, how about you?

Anyway, I'm sorry!! a thousand apologies!

Not that anyone can be bothered to read a million garbled sentences in an afternoon blogging session anyway...

   

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